I WANT to respectfully reach out to my unionist neighbours at this time of ongoing change on our island and continuous turbulence and conflict in parts of our world.
We should count our blessings. Imperfect though it might be, we have peace and the ability to work out our difficulties peacefully. This ability to find solutions is frustrated by the British government refusing at this time to permit us to exercise our right to self-determination.
So London continues to interfere in our affairs. In my view, and history supports this view, London will never govern us in Ireland’s interest.
It never has. And it never will. How could it? It serves different national interests.
Sometimes these coincide with the attitudes of political unionism. But when they don’t political unionism and its attitudes are set to one side by London.
This has happened again and again.
Betrayal has been followed by betrayal after betrayal.
London is only loyal to the unionists when it suits its interests.
Those are not my words. These are the words of unionist leaders.
I do not think these leaders serve the interests of my unionist neighbours.
Certainly not on social or economic issues or the daunting challenges of growing our peace process into a prosperity process. Or a new rights-based, citizen-centred society.
Of course, my unionist neighbours are entitled to vote for these parties or anyone else if that is their wish, and political unionism clearly has a deep-rooted commitment to the union with Britain.
It used to have things its own way. Maybe some of its leaders still believe that is the case, but it isn’t. They have lost their electoral majority. The union is now very conditional and in the upcoming period there will be a referendum to decide the future.
The extent of constitutional and institutional change is for the people of the island of Ireland to decide – democratically and without outside interference.
The Good Friday Agreement makes clear that constitutional change requires consent, freely given and expressed in referendums North and South. So political unionism will have its say.
But so will the rest of us. On the basis of equality.
This continuum of change is about shaping a new Ireland, an agreed Ireland, and a new relationship with Britain that enhances our personal and community relationships, strengthens society, makes conflict a memory, ends sectarianism and creates real opportunities to improve the daily lives of citizens. It is about reconciliation and accommodation.
It is about the North as a part of the island of Ireland again taking its place as a full member in the European Union. The Good Friday Agreement will provide the best framework of protections for everyone, including and especially my unionist neighbours.
The Agreement which was democratically supported in referendums North and South and is an all-island international agreement already provides future protection for citizens.
The Agreement guarantees that future governance arrangements will be “exercised with rigorous impartiality on behalf of all the people in the diversity of their identities and traditions and shall be founded on the principles of full respect for, and equality of, civil, political, social and cultural rights, of freedom from discrimination for all citizens, and of parity of esteem and of just and equal treatment for the identity, ethos, and aspirations of both communities; recognise the birthright of all the people of Northern Ireland to identify themselves and be accepted as Irish or British, or both, as they may so choose, and accordingly confirm that their right to hold both British and Irish citizenship is accepted by both Governments and would not be affected by any future change in the status of Northern Ireland.”
Republicans have long understood the imperative of dialogue in resolving differences. That is, eventually, how we all got to where we are today.
Regrettably, the experience in the Assembly and Executive is one of ongoing opposition by the unionist parties to a real engagement with the power-sharing ethos of the Good Friday Agreement institutions.
What is needed is a real partnership that seeks to tackle the many challenges that face our society today.
For example, poverty knows no boundaries.
The figures for 2023/24 revealed that 17 per cent of people in the North (approx. 331,000) were in relative income poverty before housing costs, and 15 per cent (approx. 291,000) were in absolute poverty before housing costs. In 2017 the highest income poverty rate was in Woodvale.
The statistics revealed that eight out of the poorest 17 areas in Belfast are in Protestant areas.
Half the population (51.4 per cent) living in the 17 poorest areas identify as Protestant compared to 47 per cent in Belfast overall.
Unemployment, low wages, poor housing, low educational attainment, poor health outcomes and dangerous environmental conditions are common to everyone.
Lough Neagh provides 40 per cent of our fresh water and yet it is blighted by significant levels of pollution and algae.
Little wonder many people, including some of my unionist neighbours, are frustrated at the coat-trailing, dog-in-the-manger distractions so beloved by unionist Assembly leaders. The unveiling of the portrait of former Ceann Comhairle Alex Maskey was also the occasion of a fine speech by the present Speaker Edwin Poots.
He acknowledged the work done by Alex and the advances that have been made against all the odds.
So all is not lost. Civilised, tolerant, respectful conversation is possible. So the dialogue must continue. There are strong conversations about the future involving community-based organisations as well as within the health, business and farming sectors who understand the importance of and the opportunities that exist in an all-island context.
But these discussions need to grow, to deepen and to reach out into sections of unionist opinion that have so far resisted this debate. Political unionism thus far has declined to play any formal role in this conversation, but the conversation is now widespread.
Unionism is no longer a monolith. Perhaps it never was. But it was the dominant force which smothered any dissent. My unionist neighbours deserve better than that. I’m sure they don’t all support the Orange, but for those who want Orange parades in the new Ireland – that can be accommodated. For those who have a particular view of symbols and emblems, that too can be sorted out.
For those who want civil and religious liberties, that will be a cornerstone of future governance. In fact, we have more in common than divides us and there is no problem that we cannot resolve once we are able to exercise our right to do so.
FRIENDS: Shane MacGowan and Gerry Adams
THE FAIRYTALE ENDURES
THERE are just over three weeks to Christmas Day but preparations are well under way. More and more houses are bedecked with multi-coloured lights and Christmas figures.
Christmas trees are being erected and Santa is in the shopping centres. Christmas songs are on the radio and the closer we get to the big day the more frequently we will hear Shane MacGowan and The Pogues’ Christmas masterpiece – Fairytale of New York.
I have long been a fan of his music and of his wondrous, poetic lyrics. The Pogues were one of the best bands ever.
Their musicality and the quality of their art is beautiful. And enduring. I last saw Shane not long before he died. He and Victoria Mary.
Just when he got out of hospital after a six-month stay. He was bright and smiling.
Glad to be home. When we parted I knew it would be our last get-together.
Shane was a man of contrasts. Shy and quiet, and yet he could be exuberant and hugely energetic.
He was very well-read and he knew the history of our island nation.
He was an unrepentant Irish republican.
My thoughts and condolences to Victoria Mary, his father Maurice, and sister Siobhán on Shane’s anniversary.
Why not go online and enjoy one of the best Christmas songs ever?
