Dublin Report: British can’t get a handle on tough-talking Cowen

By John Kelly

Anonymous pieces of paper are dangerous things, even when they are punt notes in brown paper bags, as we have learned through tribunal after tribunal in the scandal-shocked 26 counties.

Even worse are alleged leaks from higher civil servants engaged in sensitive negotiations.

Starry-eyed Tony Blair, the British prime minister, obviously had a lot on his mind when he engaged in protracted talks with Bertie Ahern and the leaders of the main Northern political parties at Hillsborough House last week.

He is certainly not short of problems. Problem is that he tends to create his own problems.

Take Ken Livingstone, new mayor of London, as just one glaring example. "Red Ken," as he is affectionately known to the majority of his supporters, was effectively guaranteed election when the Labor Party, enthusiastically prompted by Tony Blair, dumped him as a potential candidate in one of the most ill-contrived political assassinations ever.

Ken got the lion’s share of the publicity, not that he needs it too much, and all of the sympathy. Even leading members of the Conservative Party leaders condemned the P.M. for the ham-handed initiative that allowed "Red Ken" to gain innumerable sympathy votes as the result of the hostility heaped on him by former party colleagues.

He is now likely to become the most notorious lord mayor of London since Dick Whittington.

Similarly, in Northern Ireland, the British government must shoulder its share of blame for the political hiatus in the wake of the suspension of the power-sharing executive. There are many sympathetic to the nationalist cause who believe that executive’s stand-down by the Northern secretary, Peter Mandelson, was unnecessary and premature.

They also believe that if he had reacted earlier, when it was clear that the executive was under threat, the suspension might not have become necessary at all. And, of course, they also feel that the removal of his predecessor, Mo Mowlam, was a mistake.

Whatever about that, there is no doubt about the damage inflicted by the circulation of a critical description of Brian Cowen, the Irish foreign secretary.

Tony Blair’s public reassurances run hollow in the wake of the leak of the description, apparently written by a civil servant after a lunch, attended by Cowen and Mandelson. If it truly reflects the attitude of the Northern secretary, it does not bode well for either government. Neither does it appear to indicate that there will be any substantial progress in the continuing teasing out of ideas to break the logjam.

Few in the Republic would dare to claim to that Brian Cowen is a master of diplomacy. In his last office, as minister for health, he really did manage to do quite an effective job but got kudos from nobody. In fact, he was one of the most attacked ministers who ever held that office.

It was not because of ineptitude. Rather, it was mainly because of his public demeanor. Invariably, he came across as being stubborn and blunt to the point of being ill-mannered. Thus, even when his arguments were good, he tended to lose almost every debate he was involved in.

It is no great surprise, then, to learn that a mandarin of the British Civil Service, if indeed that was the origin of the note, also regards him as "difficult" to deal with.

He is described as sharing "all of the subtlety and open-mindedness that one would expect from a member of Sinn Fein."

That particular extract makes me wonder about the real origin of the note. What Blair described as a "piece of paper" was allegedly handed to Unionist Chris McGimpsey by a British civil servant who was keen to expose Cowen’s pro-green attitude.

According to the leaked document, the Irish foreign minister pushed the point that there should be no further evidence of "Britishness" in the governing of Northern Ireland.

"It underlined the view which I know the secretary of state holds that Cowen has no feel for or understanding of Unionist concerns and can usually be reliably counted to tack to the green at every opportunity."

If that is really the definitive interpretation of Peter Mandelson’s view, then it is little wonder that there are serious differences between both governments.

The British are painfully aware of the skill and subtlety displayed by Sinn Fein negotiators. It was an awareness shared by another British premier, David Lloyd George, during the preliminary negotiations that finally culminated in the signing of the Treaty.

He famously complained that dealing with Eamon De Valera was tantamount to attempting to pick up quicksilver with a fork.

The remark was supposed to have promoted De Valera to retort that, perhaps, Lloyd George should have used a spoon.

Even if the exchange never occurred, Blair should be well aware of its import. Perhaps he should also use a spoon in dealing with Sinn Fein.

Mandelson, who comes from the "High Church" tradition of the Labor Party, may dislike Cowen’s accent. It is as harsh and blunt as his sentiments often appear to be. But I am quite sure that the Northern secretary appreciates the expression of some blunt statements instead of the frequent impenetrable subtlety of Sinn Fein.

Tough talking is required. It is not surprising that Cowen should have "little feeling" for Unionist concerns. Those concerns have changed through every stage of the peace process. The unionists, led by David Trimble, who is said to be under threat from recalcitrant backbenchers, has turned and tacked as frequently as a yacht in a light breeze.

Few will argue that they enthusiastically favor change. From the outset, they made a hugely exaggerated issue out of decommissioning. Then, in the wake of the Patten Report on policing, they took another tack, making it clear that they do not want to see the implementation of the recommendations.

Is it really surprising that Sinn Fein can arrive at any agreement when it simply does not know what way Trimble and his party will jump?

The Unionist leader may have a point that he jumped first. But he seems to be guiding his parachute in an entirely different direction as he glides to the ground. He also seems to have picked a different landing spot.

Tough, blunt talk from "ground control," the British and Irish governments are more necessary now than ever.

Trimble and his party may be extremely reluctant to allow the option of joint control. However, it must remain viable in the face of intransigence from whatever the quarter.